"If it's provable we can kill it."
Or, there is no such thing as a wrongful execution
Published on December 29, 2005 By EmperorofIceCream In Politics
Let's start with a few basic points. This article is written from the point of view of a Civil Authoritarian - not a fascist, not a communist, not a socialist - a Civil Authoritarian. In my view the State has primacy over the individual and is subject to no law but it's own. I reject out of hand any counter-arguments made on the basis of some mythical body of 'international law'. 'International Law' is a myth because the only supra-national body with even a remote claim to being able to enforce such law (the UN), has no supra-national legitimacy, is not recognised by any nation on Earth as its Sovereign, is incapable of enforcing any of its decisions, and is moreover utterly dependant for what resources it possesses upon the good will of one its constituents - namely, the USA.

There is no such thing as international law because no Sovereign exists to enforce it and without such a Sovereign law is not law: it's wishful thinking at best, and at worst a means for the powerful to dupe the weak and foolish.

It might be argued against me that all cultures respect life, and that there is therefore a universal moral imperative to favor life over death at every opportunity. There is also a universal condemnation of certain crimes, murder for one, and a universal insistence that crime of all kinds, and especially a crime as heinous as murder, should be punished. In the struggle between those two points of view I favor the latter and not the former. What follows is an elaboration of that sentiment.

A variety of arguments are advanced against the death penalty. I rebut the commonest below.

Perhaps the commonest of all arguments against the death penalty is the impossibilty of avoiding executing an innocent. Most who use this argument say simply that it's wrong to kill an innocent person. The slightly more subtle say it's unjust. I say that there is no such thing as a wrongful execution. This is not to say that in the history of lawful executions no innocents have ever been killed. Even on the basis of statistical probability it should be obvious to all that some innocents have been killed by State sanctioned execution. However, such innocents are not wrongfully killed by the State - they are executed in error. Since the legitimate authority of the State, whether in error or not, has sanctioned their killing, such killings are not wrongful even if according to natural justice they are unjust. They are administrative errors, a product of human fallibility, such fallibility being integral to the operation of the State simply because all of its agents are human. If the State, recognising this tendency to fallibility, institutes procedures intended to safeguard (as far as is possible) against such errors, and if these safeguards are carried out honestly, then the State has done all that can reasonably be done to ensure that no innocent person is executed in error. With that caveat in place, the accusation of wrongful execution cannot be levelled at the State, nor can it be used as an argument against the death penalty.

Almost as common is the argument that execution does not deter murder. I agree. Execution does not deter murder. However, the function of State-sanctioned execution is not deterrence, because it is fundamentally unjust to make one person the scape-goat for the future crimes of others. It is not right that I be executed to prevent you from committing a murder in the future. No, the purpose of execution is punishment: the punishment of one individual for the crimes committed by that individual. The fact that execution for murder does not deter other murderers from their crimes is no argument against the death penalty. Only fools and American Liberals imagine that it does.

I can hear some of you saying that we as a culture, a civilization, should long ago have transcended the mentality that says 'an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth'. That while crime should be punished it's barbaric to add one killing to other killings: that life imprisonment, perhaps even solitary confinement for life, is the more civilized, the more clement option.

It's my opinion that nothing could be further from the truth. I once worked in a prison, as an adult education tutor. I had keys, I could come and go as I liked, I could leave - and still, I was horribly oppressed, horribly aware of the doors and gates that had to be traversed before I was once more outside, horribly aware of the barreness of that environment, of its always incipient violence, of the soul-destroying tedium of enforced confinement. And to me, the notion of a lifetime spent in solitary is cruel beyond imagining: I would far rather be dead and out of this world than be subject to such cruelty. In short, it's my opinion that of the two, permanent imprisonment or execution by the State, the latter is infinitely preferable to the former. Someone who fears death above everything else might not agree, of course.

The recent controversy over the death of Tookie Williams reveals a further argument against the death penalty. That, as a consequence of the excruciatingly slow yet mandatory appeals process, the man or woman who is finally executed is not the man or woman who committed the crime. In other words, that changes in the outlook of the criminal require a change in the sentence that takes cognizance of the lessons learned, the repentance of the killer.

However, no matter what changes take place in the murderer some things cannot change, now or ever again: the fact of the death or deaths for which he or she was sentenced in the first place. The fact of repentance, even when genuine, is nothing extraordinary and merits no treatment that departs from the law. It merely demonstrates that the killer has returned to the baseline of normality in our society: that murder is considered a heinous act worthy of punishment. The crime itself is not addressed by the criminal's repentance, nor do any subsequent good deeds on the part of the murderer address it. It remains outstanding, and its character as a thing worthy of punishment has not changed.

To be clement to a prisoner on death row who has exhausted his appeals without producing convincing evidence that he is not guilty is to disregard the original crime. It makes light of the fact that innocent people have been unlawfully killed, it serves as an encouragement to others to commit the same crime, it commits an injustice against the bereaved who demand satisfaction in the name of the wrongfully dead. And above and beyond all these things it brings into disrepute the name of the State, questioning its ability to enforce law, bring about justice, and maintain civil order. In other words, it calls into question the legitimate authority of the State - and for that reason alone, clemency for a criminal convicted according to due process, who has not been able to demonstrate his innocence even after a decades long appeal process, is to be denied whenever such an appeal is made.

The State ought to execute murderers. Natural justice requires that punishment be proportional to the crime. To take away the life of a killer is properly proportional to the murderer's crime where imprisonment for life is not. It ought to execute murderers since the only alternative (if imprisonment is excluded) is vigilantism and revenge-killing - which are themselves crimes of lese majeste, as well as breaks in the civil peace.

And finally the State ought to execute murderers because it alone (aside from instances of human fallibility) is the sole agency capable of dispassionate judgement, free from malice, anger and prejudice, capable of adjudicating who is to live, who is to die, and on what grounds.

Comments
on Dec 29, 2005
. appearance dot
on Dec 30, 2005
A careful and passionate defence of Capital Punishment. The purpose of judicial procedures that are separate from the apparatus of the State (an Independent Judiciaay) is to enforce a socially acceptable retribution on those who trangress the written laws of society. This being the case, Homicide is to be punished according to the facts, the circumstances and the environment sorrounding the crime. Ans social norms change hence the judicial procedures. It is not the site for revenge. Only in pre state societies is revenge the basis of punishment. Further your killer be killed kind of frontier justice does not differentiate between different situations in which death can take place. Your kind of justice is a throw back to the medieval canons of jurisprudence with its star chambers and acts of attainder.
on Dec 30, 2005
The State ought to execute murderers. Natural justice requires that punishment be proportional to the crime. To take away the life of a killer is properly proportional to the murderer's crime where imprisonment for life is not.


On this point I disagree. Natural justice might require proportionality, but truly horrific murders cannot be compared to death by lethal injection. Unless we execute the murderer in the same manner in which they executed their victim, the state's response cannot be claimed proportional.

In a number of circumstances such natural justice may be inconvenient or difficult to arrange; some murderers are extremely inventive, and it may not be possible to entirely copy their methods. In addition it is difficult to create truly talented executioners capable of copying a psychopath's methods. This shortcoming further contributes to the impossibility of proportionality.

Vigilante killings and revenge killings are nowhere near the sole other solution in any case. A simple lobotomy will reduce the murderer to a slavering fool, incapable of doing anything dangerous; a burden on the state to be sure, but potentially useful as a labourer or real-life voodoo doll to the victim's family. The murderer could also be used for medical experimentation.

There is practically no end to the uses to which a murderer could be put once their future is left up to the state. Execution, imprisonment and vigilantism are hardly the only possibilities, especially when it is impossible to enforce natural justice with any real proportionality and therefore in my eyes not worthwhile bothering to attempt doing so.

I suppose the main objection I have to execution, leaving my not inconsiderable ethical and religious scruples aside, is that it's not nearly creative enough and deprives the state of not one but two or more once useful citizens. Surely that crime above all deserves a greater sacrifice than simple execution, one which perhaps can only be punished with the killer's continued service through other means.
on Dec 30, 2005
Then what do you call those who punish their children for wrong-doing, "pre-families?"


I'd hope parents don't punish their kids out of revenge... But if they do, it's a good newspeak title for it. I can just imagine it now, some pusher in a courtroom claiming he's not guilty because he was raised in a pre-family unit.
on Dec 30, 2005
I was here and agree with the death penalty, but also like cacto think they should die as they killed....but then I guess we'd have to hire serial killers to do that kind of torture and murder....so then serial killers would be working for the state and legally getting their jollies......sick, sick I tell ya!

Buwahahahaha.

on Dec 30, 2005
Natural justice might require proportionality, but truly horrific murders cannot be compared to death by lethal injection. Unless we execute the murderer in the same manner in which they executed their victim, the state's response cannot be claimed proportional. In a number of circumstances such natural justice may be inconvenient or difficult to arrange


I don't think the punishment should "fit the crime", as it were. Natural justice would mean death by the extreme, heinous circumstances under which the convicted killer took human life. And the State, as the dispassionate enforcer of the social contract, should not be compelled or obligated in that way. Just have a punishment (death) and be done with it. Lethal injection, firing squad, hanging, whatever. Just do it and be rid of the baddie.

I suppose that's no different from the young man who beat his 3 year old to death and tried to claim it was due to "post traumatic slave syndrome" because his ancestors were brought here as slaves.
Sad but true.


OMG. Seriously? That is just too much.
on Dec 31, 2005
Well. I confess myself a little perturbed that no one who has so far responded (all of you, I'm going to presume, scions of the land of the free and the brave - and if you're not I don't really give a damn what you think because American opinion is the only opinion that matters) has yet to address the substantive issues I raised. I find it particularly odd that none of you - freedom-loving libertarians and individualists that you like to pretend you are - have no difficulty accepting my basic premise, that the State has primacy over the individual.

If I were an American (I will one day be an American citizen - however, that's not the same as being an American) that is the first place I'd begin my response to an article such as this. However, as I've said elsewhere, you are the degenerate children of noble fathers, fathers of whom you, as a culture, are utterly unworthy, and so I suppose I should expect nothing less. Or, rather, nothing more. I'm a little disappointed, I have to admit. But, as they say back home, it's early doors yet so no matter.

To Bahu Virupaksha:

The purpose of judicial procedures that are separate from the apparatus of the State


This is almost your first sentence and it is, I'm sorry to say, unmitigated nonsense. Tell me, please, how the judiciary may be separate from the apparatus of the State when it is an integral arm of the State? Or do you suppose that a function so important to the operation of the State may be carried on by some entity that is apart from (and therefore presumably above) the State? Nothing above the State exists, those entities such as the UN which claim to do so being entirely captive to the interests of some constituent member of that entity (as the UN is the captive of the interests of the USA). And nothing beneath can have any claim to that compulsion which is necessary in requiring the State to follow its dictates.
Look around you. Nowhere in the world is there a State Judiciary that exists as something independent of the overall life of the State the laws of which it develops through case law, or interprets in the instance of Statute law. Therefore the first point of substance you make is, in fact, unintelligible nonsense and proceeds from a complete misunderstanding (if not outright ignorance) of the nature of the State and its functioning.

An independent judiciary stands above the political processes of the life of the State (so that it is removed from the follies and whims of individual agents of the State), but cannot, by definition, exist apart from the State.



It is not the site for revenge. Only in pre state societies is revenge the basis of punishment.


You are also abysmally ignorant of the development of concepts of justice, and of the bureaucracy necessary to carrying them out, as it occurred in the West over the last thousand years or so (I suggest you read Foucault's Discipline and Punishment). Justice was, precisely, revenge - revenge for the crime of lese majeste in particular, and it has never lost this punitive aspect, though punishment has been lost behind the clouds of rhetoric dealing with deterrence and rehabilitation, rhetoric which has more to do with the uneasy (if not queasy) consciences of those who think, with Rousseau, that man is born pure and learns to be wicked only in society - so that somehow we all share in the guilt of the criminal and bear some collective responsibility for it. To which I say - balls, motherfucker.

Further your killer be killed kind of frontier justice does not differentiate between different situations in which death can take place. Your kind of justice is a throw back to the medieval canons of jurisprudence with its star chambers and acts of attainder.


I see nothing with medieval concepts of crime and punishment - which did not concern themselves with why something had been done (that unending plethora of 'mitigating circumstance' so beloved of the queasy-stomached 'liberal' here in America) but whether or not something had been done in fact and if so by whom. Since no earthly judge can assess motivation with any justice, the only questions to which he may address himself are those of fact. Was this [act] done? By whom? and what is the penalty in law for such an [act]? Everything else is woolly-minded liberalism of the worse sort.

As for star-chambers and attainder... bring them back. Do it now.

on Dec 31, 2005
If the State, recognising this tendency to fallibility, institutes procedures intended to safeguard (as far as is possible) against such errors, and if these safeguards are carried out honestly, then the State has done all that can reasonably be done to ensure that no innocent person is executed in error. With that caveat in place, the accusation of wrongful execution cannot be levelled at the State, nor can it be used as an argument against the death penalty.


if the individual, recognizing his own tendency to fallibility as well as the tendency for mechanical parts to fail, does all that can be reasonably done to ensure his or her car is properly maintained and he or she honestly drives as carefully as possible, that driver cannot be judged liable for any damage resulting from traffic accidents, nor should he or she be required maintain insurance.
on Dec 31, 2005
I find it particularly odd that none of you - freedom-loving libertarians and individualists that you like to pretend you are - have no difficulty accepting my basic premise, that the State has primacy over the individual.


Why? It's the basis for all law. The state represents everyone, and despite the widespread desire towards the rights of individuals, all accept that some or all of those rights must be surrendered if they are abused. It's the foundation of all societies.

A state is all about continuing the survival of the whole, and not many choose to deny that. Whilst we may argue about how many sacrifices are necessary, and to what ends, very few argue that they shouldn't be made at all. Those that do are more anarchist than liberal.
on Dec 31, 2005
And to me, the notion of a lifetime spent in solitary is cruel beyond imagining: I would far rather be dead and out of this world than be subject to such cruelty. In short, it's my opinion that of the two, permanent imprisonment or execution by the State, the latter is infinitely preferable to the former. Someone who fears death above everything else might not agree, of course.


Exactly.
on Jan 01, 2006
To cactoblasta:

On this point I disagree. Natural justice might require proportionality, but truly horrific murders cannot be compared to death by lethal injection. Unless we execute the murderer in the same manner in which they executed their victim, the state's response cannot be claimed proportional.


This is the kind of thing that makes me want to hammer nails through ear-drums in disgust.

Natural Justice - not merely a theory of judicial fairness and process, but the philosophy of proportion in relation to acts and their consequences. What it says over all could be summed up as 'what goes around comes around - and God makes sure it does'.

Proportionality in an ethical sense can be summed up by what children think of as fairness. As an aside, I've found children to have the clearest and most compelling set of ethics, much more so than adults. In general they know with great accuracy when they've been treated wrongly, and they recognize the wrongness in how they've been treated with a clarity long since lost to adults. Children (of all ages) can only ever apply that ethic against the actions of others however, not themselves.

Natural Justice does indeed require proportionality, as any child will tell you. In general, especially in Europe, the proportion employed by the State in the punishment of crime, especially anything that smacked of lese majeste has been wildly in excess of the magnitude of any acts committed. Guy Fawkes (along with others) planned to bomb the Pallace of Westminster (also known as 'Parliament' or, less completely, 'the House of Commons') in the 16th century. Although the gunpowder was laid and prepared it was never detonated and not a life was lost, not a single individual harmed, in consequence of the plot (commemorated every November 5th with fireworks and bonfires).

Guy, however, was first tortured extensively in order to make him give up the names of his co-conspirators and eventually executed in public. He was first hung by the neck until almost dead, then cut down. He was then 'drawn', which meant being eviscerated and then castrated. His testicles were burnt in front of him while he was still alive. And finally he was quartered, which meant being chopped into bits. His limbs and torso went to a local dung heap. His head was displayed somewhere, probably on a spike on London Bridge.

All this to punish a crime that had been violent in intent but which had had no issue in violent action. This is only one example of the immense dis-proportinality that has been the State's preferred measure in dealing with crime. A disproportion deliberately chosen to emphasise the difference between the power of the State which could rip men apart in public, and the vulnerability of the subject who had no possibility of escaping such violence when it was directed at him.

Natural Justice may require proportionality but State justice has until the 19th and 20th centuries required disproportionality. Not only has the State, in earlier times, gone just as far as your initial paragraph required it to, has gone considerably further - which rather makes a nonsense of your comment.

In a number of circumstances such natural justice may be inconvenient or difficult to arrange; some murderers are extremely inventive, and it may not be possible to entirely copy their methods. In addition it is difficult to create truly talented executioners capable of copying a psychopath's methods. This shortcoming further contributes to the impossibility of proportionality


This is also nonsense, when you realize that the history of the violence used by the State against those it wished to punish (and the creative cruelty with which it was employed) far exceeds that of the generality of crimes against which it was deployed. And then as now, there was never a shortage of psychopaths willing to work for the State - ask Torquemada.

Vigilante killings and revenge killings are nowhere near the sole other solution in any case. A simple lobotomy will reduce the murderer to a slavering fool, incapable of doing anything dangerous; a burden on the state to be sure, but potentially useful as a labourer or real-life voodoo doll to the victim's family. The murderer could also be used for medical experimentation.


Any killing not sanctioned by the State is a vigilante killing, by definition. If killing of criminals is not to be carried out by the State (and they are still to be killed) then all such killings, by definition, are vigilantism. The only alternative left, if vigilantism is not to be encouraged (and no State can tolerate unlicensed and unregulated killers killing as they see fit) then long term imprisonment is the only option left. As I've said elsewhere, I consider long term imprisonment to be disproportionally cruel and inhumane a form of punishment. To me, execution is the more clement, the more civilized sanction.

I suppose the main objection I have to execution, leaving my not inconsiderable ethical and religious scruples aside, is that it's not nearly creative enough and deprives the state of not one but two or more once useful citizens. Surely that crime above all deserves a greater sacrifice than simple execution, one which perhaps can only be punished with the killer's continued service through other means.


While you have ethical and religious scruples regarding execution you plainly have none at all in using fellow human creatures as objects of use - in medical experimentation, for example. Instead of ending a man's life for an unlicensed killing, which to me is proportional, inexpensive when compared to the immense costs of incerceration over decades,and respectful of both the humanity of the victim and the perpetrator, you would deprive him of his humanity and make a thing of him, to be used in whatever way you see fit.

Dear me, what would Jesus think?

As to depriving the State of useful citizens... In America the majority of murders are carried out by blacks against other blacks. In such circumstances one could argue that murder is a positive benefit to the State, since it keeps in check the most useless, violent, corrupt and greedy elements within it. (Dear me... could that be interpreted as a racist comment? Let me check my PC Lexicon here... Apparently it could. Oh well. Never mind.)

However, even if a consequence of murder is a useful social cleansing, it remains murder. The function of the State in regard to murder is not to make a profit from it (as you seem to think) but to punish it. To kill the man who killed another man without its license. To do so in the way it's presently done in America, discreetly but before witnesses, and without gross and overly inventive cruelty, removes from its sanction that element of carnival which demeaned the actions of the State in previous ages, and turned it from a solemn event marking the strength of the order it imposes and maintains to resist disorder into a public entertainment.

Whatever else justice is, it ought not to be the equivalent of the saturday night game on the boob tube.
on Jan 01, 2006
To kingbee:

responding to this -

"If the State, recognising this tendency to fallibility, institutes procedures intended to safeguard (as far as is possible) against such errors, and if these safeguards are carried out honestly, then the State has done all that can reasonably be done to ensure that no innocent person is executed in error. With that caveat in place, the accusation of wrongful execution cannot be levelled at the State, nor can it be used as an argument against the death penalty."

you had this to say -

if the individual, recognizing his own tendency to fallibility as well as the tendency for mechanical parts to fail, does all that can be reasonably done to ensure his or her car is properly maintained and he or she honestly drives as carefully as possible, that driver cannot be judged liable for any damage resulting from traffic accidents, nor should he or she be required maintain insurance.


On the face of it not a bad effort, and certainly better than most, though I'm not sure if it's disingenuous nature is more a product of intent or of ignorance (if it were the former I'd admire it that much more, of course).

Your reply is disingeuous because it confuses two totally separate things while making them appear as much alike as possible - at least, it's disingenuous if you knew that's what you were doing.

The State bears no resemblance to the driver of a car. The will of the State (which might also be called, and is called in America, the will of the people) as it issues in actual day to day governance, is infinitely more complicated and deals with infinitely more variables, than does the driver of a car.

And while they exist in a universe far more simple than that of the State, drivers make mistakes and accidentally kill themselves and others. The first difference between the two is one of complexity, and the probability that in any complex system errors will eventually appear in its operation.

The second is that drivers of cars need insurance and can be held culpable because they are not beyond reproach. That is, their actions are subject to examination and judgment and where found culpable to punishment. States, however, are beyond reproach simply in virtue of being States. The State cannot be held to account because there is nothing of greater political reality beyond it. It has equals, but no superior to legitimately judge it, let alone find it guilty.

As I've said elsewhere, I recognize no counter-argument that's based on the fictions of international law. I don't deny that its fictions are recognised as a real part of the world and that they have an effect in the world. I deny their legitimacy, and therefore their authority. If they have no legitimate authority they are not law but a body of convenient fictions that are very popular among those 'liberals' who consider that 'human' is a higher category than 'citizen'. I take the opposite view.

I see no point in defending myself from counter-arguments based on fiction - however, in the unlikely event of your demonstrating to me that they are facts I'll take them into account.

Now... Wereyou being disingenuous? Or did you just not know?